I don’t believe we’re a nation of frightened people. I
have listened to Donald Trump playing the fear card, the one students of
history know well: start shouting about external evil-doers if you want to get
people to stop thinking. It’s a very old trick, as old, you might say as the
Bible. You imagine yourself as the anointed tribe—it helps if a representative
had a private, unrecorded conversation with God first—and everyone who doesn’t
share your religion and way of seeing the world is trying to destroy you. You
build walls, you build armies and bombs, you constantly shout about those
outsiders who are out to destroy you.
One of history’s masters of xenophobia declared that “The
efficiency of a truly national leader consists primarily in preventing the
division of the attention of a people, and always in concentrating it on a
single enemy”(cited in Fairclough)—in Donald Trump’s case, on Muslims—though
truthfully, any social group would do; it took Trump a few weeks to recognize
that Muslim terrorists were more frightening than Mexican rapists.
I have been slightly surprised that Trump has tricked
newscasters/journalists into invoking the same rhetoric—people like Chris Cuomo
and Joe Scarborough with most of their invited “experts” regularly reiterating
the line that Americans are afraid of foreign terrorist. It’s as if Trump says
it; then news commentators repeat it as news. Americans are frightened. The
same ventriloquism (Freire)
about Weapons of Mass Destruction occasioned the invasion of Iraq.
I am certain that few of my friends would say they are even
mildly frightened of foreign terrorist. Worrying about some ISIS influenced nut
committing a violent act in my vicinity seems close to insanity—a radical
disconnect between what’s “in-here” and what’s “out-there.” As an educator,
with some affiliations with social anthropology (essentially, the study of
group think), I decided to investigate the disjunction between a wide swath of
political commentators and my perception about fear in America. I am also
teaching a class in writing and research, so I thought an inquiry might
demonstrate to my students the value of research.
I first constructed a survey. It wasn’t sophisticated and
had a few major flaws, but my colleague, Karen Nulton, pointed them out and
suggested some additions. Like a good writer, I listened to her politely,
agreed with some of her suggestions and decided to ditch others.
Although I don't consider myself a survey specialist, this one wasn't bad. It
left room for disaggregation—one of the most interesting effects of a survey. I
posted the survey on Facebook, asked my Facebook friends to repost it, posted
it on WPA-l, a listserve for writing program administrators, and within a few
days, I had about 500 responses. I had 44% Democrats, 4% Republicans, 22%
Independents, 19% Democratic Socialists (!!!), 5% Socialists, and a wonderful
9% other.
Overall, 9% of my now 547 respondents registered their fear
of foreign extremists as either high or very high, not quite justifying the somewhat
mindless claim that “Americans are afraid.”
I was confirmed and astonished. From where had these newscasters
like Joe Scarborough and Chris Cuomo obtained their information? From a little Internet
research, I found that most references to the fear in American cited The
Chapman University Survey of American Fears, Wave 2 . Chapman reported Americans’ fears (n=1541) of
terrorist’s attacks at 44%. Whooee! What
a difference (9% vs 44%)!
My first survey was clearly biased toward academics (the
WPA-listserv) and my liberal leading friends on Facebook, so I decided to try
another, relatively unbiased survey population. I created another survey that
included age—a feature I should have put on my first survey. Rather than
distribute it through my liberal-oriented friends, I asked Bob Mann to post a
link to my new survey on his blog, Something
Like the Truth. Bob is a friend from
Louisiana. Bob is an extraordinary thinker. He holds the Manship Chair in
Journalism at Louisiana State University.
He has worked on both the Democratic (Communications Director to
Democratic Governor Kathleen Blanco) and Republican (State Director to Republican
Senator John Breaux) side. He has been
elected to the Louisiana Political Hall of Fame. Bob thinks from multiple
directions.
I asked Bob to post a link to my new survey on his popular
blog. Within a week, I had another 498 responses. These responses were
different: I had 19% Republicans, 34%
democrats; 28% Independents; 9% Democratic Socialists; 3% Socialists; and 7%
other.
This was better. The responses within and between the surveys
are fascinating. I haven’t finished disaggregating the responses, but in this
brief (joke) report, I will focus mostly on the second survey with some segues back
to the first.
The most surprising difference is gender. In my first overly
liberal survey (n=547), 70% of the respondents were female. 29% were male. One percent were other. In my
second (somewhat unbiased) survey (n=498), 65% were female; 35% were male; 1%
were other.
In either case (we’re talking about large numbers), women
are almost on a 2:1 ratio more inclined to respond to a survey on apprehension;
my suspicion is that they are more inclined to respond to surveys. You can take
this where you will: I’ll bet that I can discover a fair amount of research
that describes women as more community centered and men as more me-centered.
Because I don’t want this to be an essay rather than a post,
I’m going to zero in on other more remarkable comparisons.
First, I will look at the liberal-biased compared to the un-liberal-biased
reports of fear of external extremists.
The liberal-biased had as high or very high 9%. Disaggregated, Independents
had as high or very high 7.5%; Democrats had 8%; Republicans had 49%;
Democratic Socialists had 4%.
In my unliberal-biased (via Bob Mann) (n=498), 24% reported
a high or very high level of fear of external extremists. Disaggregated, Independents
had 19% high or very high fear; Democrats had 16%; Republicans had 60%
(reinforcing, surprisingly, the Chapman Report—who did they ask?); Democratic
Socialists had 8% (none in the Very High category); Socialists [n=16] had 0%;
Communists [n=2] had 0%.
Below is a table of those comparisons:
Reporting High or
Very High Fear Levels of External Terrorists
Biased (n=547)
|
Unbiased (n=498)
|
|
Aggreggated
|
9.00%
|
24.00%
|
Independents
|
7.50%
|
19.00%
|
Democrats
|
8.00%
|
16.00%
|
Republicans
|
49.0%
|
60.00%
|
Democratic
Socialists
|
4.00%
|
8.00%
|
Socialists
|
4.00%
|
0.00%
|
Communists
|
0.00%
|
0.00%
|
I can leave readers to draw their own conclusions on the
degree to which each social group’s mental image of reality corresponds to,
let’s say, brute reality—what’s “out there” – as if anything is unmediated “out
there” (see Eagleman; James). I decided to link these fear percentages to
risk assessment theory—the probability of a kind of event happening to an individual.
There is a surfeit of readily available websites analyzing
risk factors—most of them in close agreement with one another. One in five of
us will die from a stroke. One in seven from cancer. One in 5,000 from electrocution. One in
18,000 from being murdered. One in 18, 500 from a car accident (Hassan).
One source claims a person “is more likely to be killed by a toddler than a
terrorist” (Research)
Risk theorists estimate that the chance of a U.S. citizen being killed by a
terrorist is 1 in 3.5 million, 1 in 20 million if you discount 9/11 (Sanburn and Worland).
Several writers have commented on the additional disconnect
between risk assessment and where the United States directs its
resources—following, as is always necessary, the money trail—who makes the most
profit from what kind of story is told? And always more interesting—why do we
believe the stories we chose to believe?
This entry is already too long for a blog entry, but I had
told respondents I would post preliminary data. So much more is available from
my survey—like gender, age, and religious issues or the correlations between
people who prioritize economic inequality and their fear factors.
I hope some of you find this interesting. I mostly hope my
students do: that they can see that any of us can do some research to check out
facile claims—in particular, the kinds that characterize political discourse.
The obvious overall conclusion is that the popular media claim that
Americans are afraid of terrorist is bullshit. Clearly, the media get some
viewers excited by this claim. So they keep repeating it.
Works Cited
"The Chapman University Survey on American Fears." 2015. Web. January 13 2016.
Eagleman, David. Incognito: The Secret Life of the Brain.
New York: Pantheon Books, 2011. Print.
Fairclough, Norman.
Language and Power. Language in
Social Life. Ed. Candlin, Christopher. New York: Longman, 1989. Print.
Freire, Paulo. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. 1970. Trans.
Ramos, Myra Bergman. 20th Anniversary Edition ed. New York: Continuum, 1995.
Print.
Hassan, Zeeshan ul.
"A Data Scientist Explains Odds of Dying in a Terrorist Attack." 2015. Web. January 16 2016.
James, William. The Principles of Psychology. 1890.
Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1981. Print.
Research, Global.
"The Terrorism Statistics Every American Needs to Hear."
GlobalResearch.ca. 2015. Web. January 18 2016.
Sanburn, Josh, and
Justin Worland. "The State of Terror Defenses in the U.S." Time 2015.
Web. January 17 2016.
Postscript: Later, I will more completely disaggregate my
results—comparing, for example, fears by age group, by gender, by religious
knowledge (degree of familiarity with Christianity or Islam).
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